Fight Back! News

News and Views from the People's Struggle

Revolutionary Theory

By staff

Poster which reads: "FRSO Fundraiser. Donate now! Help build revolutionary org"

In the two weeks since the announcement of Freedom Road Socialist Organization’s $130,000 Spring Fundraising Drive, more than $25,000 has come in. More contributions are coming in every day.

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By mick

The future is bright!

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Minneapolis, MN – In less than a week, the Freedom Road Socialist Organization’s (FRSO) Spring Fundraising Drive has netted more than $17,000. FRSO aims to raise over $130,000 to hire more full-time organizers to work in our national office, grow our fund to purchase a building, and publish more revolutionary literature.

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By J. Sykes

1932 Communist election poster addressing the national question.

By now it should come as no surprise that Trotskyism, with its ultra-left emphasis on “pure proletarian revolution” originating in Trotsky’s theory of “permanent revolution,” that Trotskyism’s errors extend to the national question.

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By Freedom Road Socialist Organization

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Times have changed and change is coming. Capitalism is a failed system. It needs to go, the sooner the better. A revolutionary solution is needed, and for that we need organization. Revolutionary organization – the kind of organization that Freedom Road Socialist Organization is all about building. To do this, we need you to step up and contribute. We have set of goal of raising $130,000 this year. Together we can make this happen.

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By J. Sykes

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Trotskyism disagrees with Marxism-Leninism on a number of important theoretical points. These disagreements aren’t limited to the field of theory but have a real practical impact on the movements of working class and oppressed peoples. In our day-to-day struggles, we see them come up again and again. Practically, the question of the united front illustrates very clearly the glaring difference between Marxism-Leninism and Trotskyism. This is a question of extreme theoretical importance, with tremendous practical consequences, so we should examine it closely.

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By J. Sykes

Mao Zedong.

Given the trajectory of Trotsky’s line on the USSR, it shouldn’t surprising that his theories missed the mark on China as well. In fact, if they had been followed, it is clear that they would have done considerable harm to the Chinese revolution. On the question of China, there are two main things that stand out regarding the position of Trotsky and his followers. First, there is the ever present failure to grasp the national-colonial question in the era of imperialism, and second, there is the failure to understand the united front in relation to that.

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By J. Sykes

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Trotsky argued, before and after the revolution of 1917, that building socialism in one country was impossible, and that the success of the revolution was dependent on the immediate expansion of the revolution to Western Europe. Once this didn’t happen, Trotsky’s only way to persist in this theory was to say that the Soviet Union wasn’t truly building socialism.

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By J. Sykes

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One of the main pillars of Trotskyism is the denial of the possibility of building socialism in a single country. This is an outgrowth of Trotsky’s permanent revolution theory, which argued that the revolution in Russia depended on the immediate success of revolution in western Europe to avoid defeat. Nevertheless, the Soviet Union did indeed build socialism in one country, so we should look at the disagreements between Marxism-Leninism and Trotskyism on this point and try to understand where they come from.

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By J. Sykes

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The disagreement between Trotsky’s “absurdly Left” (according to Lenin) theory of “Permanent Revolution” and the Leninist theory of revolution in two stages boils down to the question of how to deal with the question of the peasantry.

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By J. Sykes

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When Lenin gave his brief and scathing overview of Trotsky’s career in his 1914 article “Disruption of Unity Under Cover of Outcries for Unity,” so that “the younger generation of workers should know exactly whom they are dealing with,” he made a point of referring to Trotsky’s “absurdly Left ‘permanent revolution’ theory.” What is the role of this “permanent revolution” theory within Trotskyism, and why is it “absurdly Left,” as Lenin says?

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